Suetonius, Divus Augustus 98.2 wrote:As he sailed by the gulf of Puteoli, it happened that from an Alexandrian ship which had just arrived there, the passengers and crew, clad in white, crowned with garlands, and burning incense, lavished upon him good wishes and the highest praise, saying that it was through him (per illum) that they lived, through him (per illum) that they sailed the seas, and through him (per illum) that they enjoyed their liberty and their fortunes.
And then he gives them some money! One of my favorite stories from Suetonius. If you can forgive my intrusion into your thread, but we also votive tablets to Augustus and other emperors, just as we have for gods, as I'm sure you know well but others here might not. That means we have physical evidence that the worship of humans as gods was not at all unusual, since they come from all over the empire. Here is a votive tablet by a soldier named Gaius Julius Lysias from the famed Thirteenth Legion Gemina. It is dedicated to Augustus, who he is actually referred to as "Augustus Apollo" (and Augustus's house in Rome, by the way, was next to the temple of Apollo).
For the uninitiated, see also here for an old account (but free) of some the titles that could be found on votive offerings. Most of these are cultic titles that could also be applied to gods.
There is even a story about these tablets that involves Pilate from the first century here is a story about them in Philo where Pilate is alleged to have set up golden votive tablets (small shields) in Herod's palace in Jerusalem with the emperor Tiberius's name on them. This is supposedly one of the reasons that Jews were so pissed off (according to Philo) with the Roman administrators. Of course, he was writing in tense situation: the emperor Caligula had demanded that a statue of himself be set up and worshiped in the Jerusalem temple, and this story about is told in Philo's appeal. It is obviously a highly polemical context, but even so, the context itself and the story reveal divinization as a powerful component of the ideological makeup in the first century CE Mediterranean.
And yet we're supposed to ignore that in favor of a theory which has no analog whatsoever?