Themis wrote:What Trump policy would that be?
Whatever puts more money in his pocket.
Themis wrote:What Trump policy would that be?
Maxine Waters wrote:odd misspelling of a terrific breakfast food option wrote:Ajax, could you explain a little more the connection you see between legal or illegal immigrants working in this country, and the promotion of economic nationalism? I get the sense that you are treating the two as completely incompatible for some unstated reason.
I can't believe you're seriously asking that. Economic nationalism promotes the interests of citizens of the US, not citizens of the world. It's a smart political stance given that illegal immigrants shouldn't be voting. But voter fraud is real.
canpakes wrote:
Please tell me how the following folks do or do not promote 'economic nationalism':
1. The illegal or work-permitted person serving as a short-order cook at your favorite Denny's,
2. The illegal or work-permitted person who busses tables and washes dishes at your corner diner,
3. The illegal or work-permitted person who works construction at the new home site down the road,
4. The illegal or work-permitted person that cleans rooms at the motel.
.
beastie wrote:You are being conned by Trump.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/pl ... eaba244126If America produces the best craftsmanship, why, then, does Ivanka Trump’s company manufacture no items in the United States? As The Post reported just last week, her company relies “exclusively on foreign factories,” including in Bangladesh, Indonesia, Vietnam and China, to manufacture the shoes, handbags, blouses, dresses, jeans and shirts for the first daughter’s line of clothing.
Similarly, many items in Trump’s own clothing and home accessories are produced overseas in countries including China, Bangladesh and Mexico. When he excoriates American companies for moving manufacturing jobs overseas, then, he is including himself in his own criticism — but of course would never admit that. Instead, when questioned about why he manufactures items overseas, his answer was, essentially, everyone else does it.
While campaigning for president, Trump dismissed criticism of his foreign-made goods, claiming (incorrectly, according to FactCheck.org) that he had little choice because apparel just isn’t manufactured in the United States anymore. What Trump doesn’t want to say is that it would cost him more to make his products here in the United States and pay a decent wage to those American workers that he supposedly is dedicated to defending.
Trump doesn’t even bother to pay more for American-made goods for those in his customer base who could pay more for items: guests at his luxury hotels. While staying in an $850-per-night room at Trump’s Washington, D.C., hotel last year, The Post’s Dana Milbank revealed that the posh “Trump Hotels” bathrobe and slippers were made in China, and the guest rooms are replete with foreign-made goods. Among the items made overseas, Milbank found towels made in India, china made in Japan, Malaysian-made telephones, and a coffee machine and several lamps, among other things, all made in China.
While Trump has promised steel workers in Rust Belt states that he will restore lost jobs to their economically battered communities, he has built at least two hotels with steel and aluminum from China — the persistent bogeyman of Trump’s campaign speeches in which he decried the decline of American manufacturing. When faced with the evidence of his Chinese steel purchases, though, Trump just plowed ahead, continuing the charade that he is an unemployed steelworker’s best friend.
etc ad nauseum
subgenius wrote:canpakes wrote:
Please tell me how the following folks do or do not promote 'economic nationalism':
1. The illegal or work-permitted person serving as a short-order cook at your favorite Denny's,
2. The illegal or work-permitted person who busses tables and washes dishes at your corner diner,
3. The illegal or work-permitted person who works construction at the new home site down the road,
4. The illegal or work-permitted person that cleans rooms at the motel.
quit arguing exceptions and focus on the rule:
economic nationalism emphasizes domestic control of money, labor, capital formation, etc....someone consistently transferring the majority of their money over the border (eg back home). Many of the workers you describe above are outside of the net gains realized by domestic investment (401k, etc) - ergo bad for economic nationalism.
The economics of remittances surprise a lot people, even those who aren't sympathetic to Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric. People intuitively assume keeping that money in the United States is a good thing for the American economy, but many macroeconomists disagree.
Why?
One reason is that remittances mean cheaper stuff for Americans. The millions of Mexican immigrants working in the United States provide goods and services for American consumers, and in exchange they earn dollars. About 11.7 million Mexican immigrants live in the United States, and last year Mexico received about $24 billion back in remittances. When immigrants send their earnings overseas, America loses dollars, but no actual goods or services. Figuratively, we trade pieces of paper with green ink for real stuff. If families in Mexico use those dollars to buy things made in Mexico or elsewhere, then America has essentially gotten immigrants' services without paying anything tangible in return. If, on the other hand, families in Mexico use their remittances to buy things made in the United States, then American exports increase. Either way, the American economy wins.
It is the economics book that took the world by storm. Capital in the Twenty-First Century, written by the French economist Thomas Piketty, was published in French in 2013 and in English in March 2014. The English version quickly became an unlikely bestseller, and it prompted a broad and energetic debate on the book’s subject: the outlook for global inequality. Some reckon it heralds or may itself cause a pronounced shift in the focus of economic policy, toward distributional questions. The Economist hailed Professor Piketty as "the modern Marx" (Karl, that is). But what is his book all about?
Capital draws on more than a decade of research by Piketty and a handful of other economists, detailing historical changes in the concentration of income and wealth. This pile of data allows Piketty to sketch out the evolution of inequality since the beginning of the industrial revolution. In the 18th and 19th centuries western European society was highly unequal. Private wealth dwarfed national income and was concentrated in the hands of the rich families who sat atop a relatively rigid class structure. This system persisted even as industrialisation slowly contributed to rising wages for workers. Only the chaos of the first and second world wars and the Depression disrupted this pattern. High taxes, inflation, bankruptcies and the growth of sprawling welfare states caused wealth to shrink dramatically, and ushered in a period in which both income and wealth were distributed in relatively egalitarian fashion. But the shocks of the early 20th century have faded and wealth is now reasserting itself. On many measures, Piketty reckons, the importance of wealth in modern economies is approaching levels last seen before the first world war.
From this history, Piketty derives a grand theory of capital and inequality. As a general rule wealth grows faster than economic output, he explains, a concept he captures in the expression r > g (where r is the rate of return to wealth and g is the economic growth rate). Other things being equal, faster economic growth will diminish the importance of wealth in a society, whereas slower growth will increase it (and demographic change that slows global growth will make capital more dominant). But there are no natural forces pushing against the steady concentration of wealth. Only a burst of rapid growth (from technological progress or rising population) or government intervention can be counted on to keep economies from returning to the “patrimonial capitalism” that worried Karl Marx. Piketty closes the book by recommending that governments step in now, by adopting a global tax on wealth, to prevent soaring inequality contributing to economic or political instability down the road.
The book has unsurprisingly attracted plenty of criticism. Some wonder whether Piketty is right to think that the future will look like the past. Theory argues that it should become ever harder to earn a good return on wealth the more there is of it. And today’s super-rich (think of Bill Gates, or Mark Zuckerberg) mostly come by their wealth through work, rather than via inheritance. Others argue that Piketty’s policy recommendations are more ideologically than economically driven and could do more harm than good. But many of the sceptics nonetheless have kind words for the book’s contributions, in terms of data and analysis. Whether or not Professor Piketty succeeds in changing policy, he will have influenced the way thousands of readers and plenty of economists think about these issues.
On many measures, Piketty reckons, the importance of wealth in modern economies is approaching levels last seen before the first world war.
The CCC wrote:US Supreme Court just decided Texas Republican racism is perfectly OK. Tell me again how Gorsuch isn't a Reactionary creep.
SEE https://thinkprogress.org/on-a-party-li ... c3257f13e/
Doctor CamNC4Me wrote:Is that the kind of society we want? Make rich people richer and “F” over the poor?