More on Lehi in China:
If we follow the ideas referenced above, Lehi and his group will have had to travel in a straight line all the way up into Tibet (passing quite near present-day Lhasa), and hitting the Chinese coast somewhat to the south of present day Hangzhou. The Book of Mormon editors suggest that they departed in their boat about 591 BC.
A couple of points on this:
1. This is the period known in China as the Spring and Autumn period, when China was divided into a large number of feudal states engaged in frequent low-intensity warfare. The only extensive historical source from that period is the so-called 'Spring and Autumn Annals' Chunqiu, with a longer text that supplements it, the 'Zuo Chronicle' Zuozhuan. These documents arrange events in accordance with the reigns of successive Dukes of Lu, the home state of Confucius, and Lehi's departure would have been on the cusp of two reigns:
Duke Xuan 608 - 591
Duke Cheng 590 - 573
You can read the annals of those years in
the online translation here. If we look at the last year of Duke Xuan, 591 BC, it does not seem to make any mention of a bunch of weird guys with a strange bronze thing:
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1. In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Jin and Zang, heir-son of Wey, invaded Qi.
2. The duke invaded Qi.
3. It was summer, the fourth month.
4. In autumn, in the seventh month, an officer of Zhu murdered the viscount of Zeng in his capital.
5. On Jiaxu, Lü, viscount of Chu, died.
6. Gongsun Guifu went to Jin.
7. In winter, in the tenth month, on Renxu, the duke died in the State-chamber.
8. Guifu was returning from Jin; but when he got to Sheng, he fled to Qi.
COMMENTARY (By James Legge, with extracts from Zuo Zhuan)
Par. 1. The Zhuan says:——'When the invading armies had reached Yanggu, the marquis of Qi had a meeting with the marquis of Jin, when they made a covenant in Zeng, the former agreeing that his son Jiang should go to Jin as a hostage. On this the army of Jin returned, and Cai Zhao and Nanguo Yan made their escape back to Qi.'
Hu An'guo thinks this invasion of Qi was brought about by Xi Ke, to gratify his resentment against that State. The Kangxi editors argue that it was a public movement on the part of the marquis of Jin to punish Qi, because its marquis had kept away from the meeting at Duandao. Certainly the growth of the power of Chu was mainly owing to Qi's standing aloof from Jin as the chief among the northern States.
Par. 3. [The Zhuan appends here:——'In summer, the duke sent to Chu, to ask the assistance of an army;—wishing to invade Qi.']
Par, 4. Guliang has 繒 for 鄫. Acc. to Zuoshi, 戕 is the character employed to denote the murder of the prince of a State by some one of another State, just as 弒 indicates that the perpetrator was one of the prince's own subjects. Zeng,—see V.xiv.2. In V. xix. 4 we have an account of a terrible outrage by the people of Zhu on a former prince of Zeng. Wang Kekuan (汪 克 寬) thinks that by 邾 人 in the text we should understand the 邾 子, 'the viscount of Zhu;' but this seems inconsistent with the use of the character 戕. 邾 人, however, may denote—'a party of men from Zhu.'
Par. 5. Here for the first time we have the death of one of the viscounts of Chu recorded. His burial, however, is not mentioned, and there would have been a difficulty in recording it, as the deceased viscount must have then received the title which he claimed of 'king.' The Zhuan says:——'In consequence of the death of king Zhuang, the army [The help of which Lu had asked] did not come forth. Afterwards Lu availed itself of an army of Jin [See VIII. ii.2], in consequence of which Chu had the meeting and covenant at Shu (VIII. ii. 10].'
Par. 6. The object of this visit is given in the Zhuan:——'Gongsun Guifu was a favourite with the duke, whose elevation was due to [Guifu's father], Xiangzhong. Wishing to remove the three clans descended from duke Huan, and thereby increase the power of the ducal House, he consulted with the duke, and went on a friendly mission to Jin, hoping to accomplish his object by means of the people of Jin.'
Par. 7. See on III. xxxii. 4. Par. 8. The Zhuan says:——'In winter, on the death of the duke, Ji Wenzi [Jisun Hangfu] said in the court, "It was Zhong who made us kill the son of the proper wife, and set up the son of another, so as to lose the great helper we might have calculated on." Xuanshu [Zang Xu; son of Zang Wenzhong, or Zangsun Chen in III.xxviii. 6], was angry, and said, "Why did you not deal with him at the time? What offence is his son chargeable with? But if you wish to send their clan away, allow me to do it." Accordingly he drove the Dongmen clan out of the State. Zijia had then returned from Jin as far as to Sheng. He there cleared a space of ground, and raised a tent on it, where he delivered the account of his mission to his assistant, [that it might be transmitted to Lu]. Having done so, he took off his upper garment, bound his hair up with sackcloth, went to the place for it and wept, gave three leaps, and left the tent. He then fled to Qi. The style of the paragraph,—"Guifu returned from Jin," is commendatory of him.' For 笙 Gong and Gu have 檉. The place was in Lu.
2. But in any case, at that time the region of present-day Hangzhou was pretty well beyond the borders of Chinese civilization, in a region the writers of the above texts would have considered barbarian. So it would not have been a place where Lehi and party could have found the resources and technology to build an ocean-going ship. They might not even have survived the encounter with the natives.
I bequeath to LDS apologists the wondrous possibility that the Liahona carried by Lehi could have been at the root of the Chinese idea of the direction-finding device known as the
south-pointing chariot ...