honorentheos wrote:The other argument is Trump's numbers drop when the story hits UNTIL it gets reframed as a partisan issue.
Bad news, champ. This story is being framed as a partisan issue. Good news is that is happening with every story, all the time, almost immediately.
The deluge of bad stories, as you call it, has also worked in the opposite direction, coming across as Democrats trying to find something that will finally stick.
No, that's what Republicans and media allies have tried to spin those instances as - Democrats spinning their wheels trying to find something that will stick. But the actual outcomes haven't been as good. Trump remains unpopular given the fundamentals. The worst media cycles for the President have been those that 1) involve deeply unpopular legislation about to pass in Congress and 2) multiple bad stories about the President coming out at once. The relentless march of bad stories have left someone whose numbers normally would be in the upper 50's in the low 40's.
The couple of most impactful items that share wider Republican and Democrat concern have been issues that have been able to largely avoid partisan reframing. The abandonment of the Kurds is an example.
Impactful in what sense? It really does seem like you get your cues from what middlebrow pundits on cable news are telling you. Almost no stories have been framed as nonpartisan because Republicans have 100% control of whether something is framed as partisan. Republicans didn't criticize Trump on the Kurdish situation because it was framed as a non-partisan issue. It was framed as a non-partisan issue because Republicans didn't like what Trump did. I can't understand how you managed to get this exactly backwards. In terms of hurting Trump, the Kurd story you cite was occurring simultaneously as the Ukraine story was and is also an example of a deluge of bad news, so it's not a good candidate to pick in support of your thesis. There's also scant evidence that it hurt him at the moment, so it also fails on that ground. It may have, but that's more of a time will tell situation.
It's simple. It's a different case. It has the ability to bring out different witnesses and different issues that can avoid the intense attempts to cast it as a so-called witch hunt.
The other things that were called "witch hunts" also weren't witch hunts. You know that, right? What about these witnesses, as opposed to the ones in the Mueller report for contrast, makes them immune to "witch hunt" labeling in your view?
I also like how you've just ignored the entirety of the right wing media, and sources such as NPR and the New York Times, casting it as a partisan issue and just insisted that this one is different because it can't be cast as partisan. It's being cast as partisan
right now. What makes it "partisan" in the eyes of those that matter is whether Republicans are going along with it or not. So long as Republicans don't go along with it and Democrats do, it is by definition "partisan." The cogency of the facts don't actually matter because partisanship is seen as a matter of party bifurcation. As long as Republicans stick together and oppose impeachment as a bloc, it will be seen as partisan. If they can be persuaded to break ranks, then it will be seen as non/bi-partisan. You have the causality backwards.
It's a war for the public's opinion, and wider cross-section of the public than participates on this board. If the case to people who want Trump's head on a platter can't be made that the Ukraine scandal is a good candidate to carry forward, needs to be handled deftly,
It's a good candidate, but lots of things are good candidates. They have a cumulative effect. What's the best candidate is Congress doing its job and providing meaningful oversight while exposing the depths of malfeasance in the administration to the public. If you want to fold you arms to that and say, "No" be my guest, but don't pretend like you are offering a detailed argument by just repeating this assertion over and over.