Hi, David!
Thanks for the clarification of your views posted on MADB; that helps a little, although it's still difficult to have a conversation about a view of the Book that isn't clear even to the one who holds it. I'll do my best.
I should begin by stating my own view that there probably was not a historical Abraham, or if there was, that the information related in Genesis about his life probably is not especially accurate. It is not that I see an overwhelming weight of evidence against the existence of a historical Abraham, but rather that the account of his life was written so long after the murky pre-history it purports to relate that I don't particularly see why the account should be trusted.
As for the inspiration of the Book of Abraham, you might be surprised to learn that I am not averse to the view that it reflects an inspiration of sorts. As a pluralist, I believe that the divine inhabits and is accessible to us all, perhaps embedded archetypally deep within our subconscious minds. These Jungian archetypes, which the great psychologist referred to collectively as the image of God, are brought to conscious awareness by art and myths and dreams. Such symbolic expressions enable us to give shape to impulses that are otherwise beyond the reach of our understanding. I believe this is part of the reason that similar religious ideas recur across vast distances of space, time, and culture. (Of course, another reason is simply that such ideas are more virulent than generally realized, and are frequently nursed and remembered in obscure texts and arcane traditions even after they have fallen out of popular favor; here they patiently wait until the time is right for them to reassert themselves.) In my view, of course, the Book of Abraham and ancient Mesopotamian religion are not inspired in the sense that they contain any propositionally true messages. Nor does their being "inspired" productions in the pluralists' understanding of the term assuage the prophet's culpability for any deliberately fraudulent claims he may have made about his ability to read ancient hieroglyphic script. Nor, frankly, does my pluralist understanding of inspiration allow that Joseph Smith knew any more about ancient Mesopotamia than he did about ancient Egypt. But it does mean this: that I can appreciate the text and its mythic symbols, even as I express my profound skepticism concerning your conclusions about its connections to the ancient world.
David Bokovoy wrote:Joseph believed that he had in his possession “the writings of Abraham while he was in Egypt, called the Book of Abraham, written by his own hand, upon papyrus” (see History of the Church, vol. 2, pp. 235, 236, 248-351).
Hence, Joseph did not assume that he was reproducing an ancient Egyptian understanding of texts such as facsimile 3, Joseph believed that he was restoring the way Abraham used these documents to restore Abraham’s life history and theological views.
The prophet's comments suggest that Abraham himself authored the facsimiles, and that they were designed to depict scenes from Abraham's life. The prophet's comments also suggest that he thought Abraham had labeled the facsimiles in fairly conventional Egyptian hieroglyphic script, and that the prophet's interpretations of these texts reflected
both the Egyptological meaning
and the intent of the author, Abraham.
I'm glad to see you grant, at least, that Joseph claimed he could correctly interpret the hieroglyphics. In addition to Mortal's instructive quotations, I will merely point out that Joseph's bound Alphabet and Grammar was of "the Egyptian Language," not "the Abrahamic Recontextualization of the Egyptian Language."
So when Joseph Smith recontextualizes an Egyptian presentation scene to depict Abraham as the enthroned god/king in facsimile no. 3, Joseph has created an undeniable link between ancient Near Eastern and biblical views regarding enthronement and human deification that reflects Joseph’s revelation regarding Abraham’s present glorified state: “[Abraham] hath entered into his exaltation and sitteth upon his throne” (D&C 132:29).
The link you perceive is hardly "undeniable". Joseph Smith does not identify this as a presentation scene, of either the Egyptian or Mesopotamian variety. He expresses no awareness that it is a stock Egyptian scene or that it has Mesopotamian roots, and he certainly does not claim that its Mesopotamian roots are reflected in his interpretation of the vignette. Your analysis tells us what the theological meaning of the vignette might be if the significance of these factors is admitted, but it does not in and of itself establish that said significance
should be admitted. A more likely backdrop for the prophet's interpretation, given what he actually
says in his explanations of the Facsimile, is
Josephus' Antiquities of the Jews, Book 1, Chapters 7 and 8. We know from Cowdery's letter to William Frye that he was reading Josephus in conjunction with the interpretation of the vignettes on the papyri.
I agree with you that the vignette as Joseph interpreted it is a classic, ironic role-reversal. Abraham comes to the king of Egypt, who claims priesthood from Ham, and pharaoh implicitly recognizes Abraham as the true priest and king. I also agree with you that Joseph saw Abraham's enthronement in the court of pharaoh as symbolically presaging his final, eternal enthronement. But this all seems to me to be suggested by a combination of Josephus, the vignette itself, and Joseph's developing theology during this period. I see no need to posit that the prophet miraculously accessed ancient Mesopotamian presentation motifs in order to arrive at his interpretation. Saying that the prophet's views of deification mirror ancient Mesopotamian religion because ancient Mesopotamian religion in these respects was
true is one thing. But saying that the prophet actually had miraculous
access to ancient Mesopotamian concepts (despite apparently not having had the same access to ancient Egyptian ones) is quite another. It seems to me that your view multiplies complexities that need not be multiplied.
As a sidenote, the passage you cite from
D&C 132 actually provides support for Susan Staker's suggestion that the narrative of God commanding Abraham to lie about his marital relations was designed to justify the prophet's ongoing deception concerning Nauvoo polygamy. This D&C section, which is of course the famous polygamy revelation, genealogically links Joseph Smith to Abraham and promises that the exaltation and increase of seed promised and given to Abraham will be available to Joseph also, if Joseph will obey the commandments. It then argues,
God commanded Abraham, and Sarah gave Hagar to Abraham to wife. And why did she do it? Because this was the law; and from Hagar sprang many people. This, therefore, was fulfilling, among other things, the promises. Was Abraham, therefore, under condemnation? Verily I say unto you, Nay; for I, the Lord, commanded it. Abraham was commanded to offer his son Isaac; nevertheless, it was written: Thou shalt not kill. Abraham, however, did not refuse, and it was accounted unto him for righteousness. Abraham received concubines, and they bore him children; and it was accounted unto him for righteousness, because they were given unto him, and he abode in my law; as Isaac also and Jacob did none other things than that which they were commanded; and because they did none other things than that which they were commanded, they have entered into their exaltation, according to the promises, and sit upon thrones, and are not angels but are gods.
Earlier you referred to polygamy as a "mistake". It seems to me that your cardinal text for linking Facsimile 3 to deification is thoroughly implicated in that mistake.
I would like to encourage you, and anyone else who is reading this, to think of the Book of Abraham and the facsimile explanations as "inspired" nineteenth-century productions rather than insisting on some ancient context. Certainly much of the mystique of Restoration theology comes from the way that it is wrapped in stories about antiquity, and I can understand the reluctance to risk losing that mystique. But when the texts are approached with a "second naïvété", as sacred stories and symbols rather than as genuine histories, I believe it is possible to retain the mystique. It may seem that the mystique must be fundamentally changed, from a mystique of history to a mystique of poetry. But in truth, it is merely recognized for what it really is: it has been poetry all along.
Best,
-Chris